Render unto me a fucking break here
Jun. 21st, 2002 08:18 am 'Combatants' Lack Rights, U.S. Argues
Back? Okay. The problem here is not so much that the Justice Department is arguing this. Sure, it can argue this - it's their job, after all. The problem here is whether the Court will accept that argument explicitly in its ruling. The JD's argument actually goes like this:
(1) Enemy combatants have no right to counsel and can be held indefinitely.
(2) The military can declare anyone they want an enemy combatant and the courts cannot review that decision.
I don't think anybody really has a problem with proposition (1) - on the assumption that there is a war going on, which I say is still arguable. The real concern is proposition (2). I don't know the Supreme Court ruling that the JD cited - if anyone can point me to it I'd be grateful - so I can't comment on its applicability to the current case situation, but I find it ludicrous, not to mention an incredible usurpation of powers, that the executive can indeed declare a person, by fiat, an enemy combatant without any evidence or objective standard that can be reviewed. There has to be some kind of reasonable standard.
I'd watch what the court says very carefully, since if it comes down on the side of the Justice Department, it should give its reasons why. There can be many permutations on this. It may agree that Hamdi is an enemy combatant and leave it at that, leaving it silent as to whether the court can determine a person's status as an enemy combatant or not. It may agree that Hamdi is an enemy combatant and say that this is due to evidence presented, which would probably be used to then assert in future that the court has explicitly reserved its right to determination of the question. It could agree entirely with the JD and explicitly so on both counts, which would be my greatest nightmare. There can be other results.
I suspect, though, that the court in making its final determination will remain silent on the issue of determining enemy combatant status, neither explicitly rejecting nor accepting the Justice Department's arguments on this point, because in this particular case it is probably going to allow the further detention of Hamdi without counsel and the issue of determination is not absolutely vital to allowing the JD's appeal. But remember, this is because he was captured on the battlefield and there is no real doubt he is an enemy combatant.
Now, Jose Padilla, on the other hand...
Prisoners declared enemy combatants do not have the right to a lawyer and the American judiciary cannot second-guess the military's classification of such detainees, the Justice Department argued yesterday in a brief to an appeals court.Read the whole thing, and then come back here. I'll wait.
The filing in the case of Yaser Esam Hamdi, the U.S.-born man captured with Taliban forces and being held at a Navy brig in Norfolk, provides the most forceful enunciation yet of the Bush administration's position that those declared enemy combatants in the war on terrorism have no right to counsel and can be held indefinitely. The strongly worded brief signed by Deputy Solicitor General Paul D. Clement also argues that the civilian courts have no standing to intervene.
Back? Okay. The problem here is not so much that the Justice Department is arguing this. Sure, it can argue this - it's their job, after all. The problem here is whether the Court will accept that argument explicitly in its ruling. The JD's argument actually goes like this:
(1) Enemy combatants have no right to counsel and can be held indefinitely.
(2) The military can declare anyone they want an enemy combatant and the courts cannot review that decision.
I don't think anybody really has a problem with proposition (1) - on the assumption that there is a war going on, which I say is still arguable. The real concern is proposition (2). I don't know the Supreme Court ruling that the JD cited - if anyone can point me to it I'd be grateful - so I can't comment on its applicability to the current case situation, but I find it ludicrous, not to mention an incredible usurpation of powers, that the executive can indeed declare a person, by fiat, an enemy combatant without any evidence or objective standard that can be reviewed. There has to be some kind of reasonable standard.
I'd watch what the court says very carefully, since if it comes down on the side of the Justice Department, it should give its reasons why. There can be many permutations on this. It may agree that Hamdi is an enemy combatant and leave it at that, leaving it silent as to whether the court can determine a person's status as an enemy combatant or not. It may agree that Hamdi is an enemy combatant and say that this is due to evidence presented, which would probably be used to then assert in future that the court has explicitly reserved its right to determination of the question. It could agree entirely with the JD and explicitly so on both counts, which would be my greatest nightmare. There can be other results.
I suspect, though, that the court in making its final determination will remain silent on the issue of determining enemy combatant status, neither explicitly rejecting nor accepting the Justice Department's arguments on this point, because in this particular case it is probably going to allow the further detention of Hamdi without counsel and the issue of determination is not absolutely vital to allowing the JD's appeal. But remember, this is because he was captured on the battlefield and there is no real doubt he is an enemy combatant.
Now, Jose Padilla, on the other hand...
no subject
Date: 2002-06-20 05:45 pm (UTC)no subject
Date: 2002-06-20 06:23 pm (UTC)no subject
Date: 2002-06-21 06:15 am (UTC)Aha. The Great God Ghugle (holy be his *) has paid off again. Check it.
http://www.mayerbrown.com/whatsnew/capturterror.asp
no subject
Date: 2002-06-21 07:00 am (UTC)That question is answered on page 24-25 of the decision in Ex Parte Quirin, which states:
(my emphasis)
The answer is that, despite the Justice Department's contention, there is nothing stopping, say, Jose Padilla, or anyone declared a belligerent from coming up and asking the court to determine whether or not this is true. So it looks like proposition (2) of the Justice Department is wrong in law.
As the decision in Ex Parte Quirin goes on to note, this is a separate issue from determining innocence or guilt of the actual offence charged. That is to say, "Citizens who associate themselves with the military arm of the enemy government, and, with its aid, guidance and direction, enter this country bent on hostile acts, are enemy belligerents within the meaning of the Hague Convention and the law of war." (p. 37-38)
The line, however, I can see, would be quite fine.